Richard Allen, First Bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church

RICHARD ALLEN, FIRST BISHOP OF THE AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH by Aaron Good win ritten toward tlic* end of lii.s life, Richard Allen’s memoir1 relates the story of a man who was born into colonial slavery, found relig¬ ious conversion in the burgeoning Methodist movement of the midAtlantic, purchased his freedom by his own labors during the Revolution, was a key figure in the development of free African society in the early Republic, was a founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, and became its first bishop.2 Allen began his story simply. I was horn in the year of our Lord 1760, on February Pith, a slave to Benja¬ min Chew, of Philadelphia. My mother and father and four children of us-' were sold into Delaware state, near Dover; and 1 was a child and lived with him until I was upwards of twenty years of age. . . . ' The Delaware man to whom Richard, his parents, and three siblings were sold was Stokeley Sturgis, identified later in Allen’s memoir only as Aaron Goodwin (aarongoodwin@mac.com) is treasurer of the Genealogical Soci¬ ety of Pennsylvania and a contributing editor for the New York Genealogical and Biographical Record. The author thanks Margaret Jerrido, archivist at Mother Bethel Afri¬ can Methodist Episcopal ( ihureh and Rev. Alfred T. Day and Donna Miller of Historic St. Cieorge’s United Methodist Church. 1 Richard Allen, The Life, Experience, and Gospel Labours of the III. Rev. Richard Allen ; to Which Is Annexed the Rise and Progress of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United Stales of America. Containing a Narrative of the Yellow Lever in the Year of Oar Lord / 79.1: With an Address to the People of Colour in the I hated Stales (Philadelphia; Martin & ISodcn, 1833). An electronic edition is transcribed for the Uni¬ versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, digitization project "Documenting the American South” (doesouth.une.edu/neh/allen/allen.html). An electronic copy of an 1880 reprint by F. Ford and M. A. Riply is on googlebooks.com. The pagination varies between editions. 2 Earlier treatments of Richard Allen include, but are not limited to: Charles II. Wes¬ ley, Richard Allen, Apostle of Freedom (Washington: The Associated Publishers, Inc., 10.33); Dee Andrews, “The African Methodists of Philadelphia, 1794-1802,” Pennsylva¬ nia Magazine of History and Biography, 108( 1 984 ):471-86; Gary B. Nash, "New Light on Richard Allen: The Early Years of Freedom," William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series 46( l989):332-4<); Dee Andrews, The Methodists and Revolutionary America, 1760-1800: The Shaping of an Evangelical Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univer¬ sity Press, 2000); Richard S. Newman, Freedom’s Prophet: Bishop Richard Allen, the AME Church, and the Black Founding Fathers ( New York: New York University Press, 2008). For detailed genealogical information, including corrections and additions, see Aaron Goodwin, “Richard Allen and His Family,” in the forthcoming Fall/Winter issue of the Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine \ PGM|. ' Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), 3. Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 (2010) 197 198 Petmsyh>ania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 Stokeley. Sturgis owned a plantation in Little Creek Hundred, Kent County, Delaware. s My master was an unconverted man, and all the family: but he was what the world called a good master. He was more like a father to his slaves than any thing else. I le was a very tender, humane man. . . /’ After Allen set the stage for his later youth in Delaware, he turned his focus immediately to his religious conversion. I was awakened and brought to see myself poor, wretched and undone, and without the mercy of God must be lost. Shortly after I obtained mercy through the blood of Christ, and was constrained to exhort my old compan¬ ions to seek the Lord. ... I was constrained to go from house to house, exhorting my old companions, and telling to all around what a dear Saviour I had found. I joined the Methodist society, and met in class at Benjamin Wells's, in the forest, Delaware State. John Gray was the class-leader. I met in his class for several years.7 Sturgis’ essential humanity may have made a life of slavery somewhat less painful than that of some other slaves, but it was Methodism that led to Richard’s freedom— and to the identity he was forging for himself. Our neighbours, seeing that our master indulged us with the privilege of attending meeting once in two weeks, said that Stokeley's negroes would soon ruin him; and so my brother and myself held a council together that we would attend more faithfully to our master’s business, so that it should not be said that religion made us worse servants, we would work night and day to get our crops forward, so that they should be disappointed. We fre¬ quently went to meeting on every other Thursday; but if we were likely to be backward with our crops we would refrain from going to meeting. So we always continued to keep our crops more forward than our neighbours; and we would attend public preaching once in two weeks, and class meet¬ ing once a week. At length our master said he was convinced that religion made slaves better and not worse, and often boasted of his slaves for their honesty and industry. Some time after I asked him if I might ask the preach¬ ers to come and preach at his house. 11c being old and infirm, my master and mistress cheerfully agreed for me to ask some of the Methodist preachers to come and preach at his house. I asked him for a note. 1 le replied, if my word was not sufficient, he should send no note. I accordingly asked the preacher. He seemed somewhat backward at first, as my master did not send a written request; but the class-leader (.John Gray) observed that my word was suffi¬ cient; so he preached at my old master's house on the next Wednesday. Preaching continued for some months; at length Freeborn Garrison preached from these words, “Thou art weighed in the balance, and art found wanting." In pointing out and weighing the different characters, and among the rest weighed the slave-holders, my master believed himself to be one of that number, and after that he could not be satisfied to hold slaves, believing it to be wrong. And after that he proposed to me and my brother buying our s See 1780 Manumission Agreement and 1783 Certificate of Character, below. (l Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), 5-6. Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), 5. 2010 Richard Allen, First liishof) of the AMR Church 199 times, to pay him sixty pounds gold and silver, or two thousand dollars con¬ tinental money, which we complied with in the year 17— [sfc].8 1780 MANUMISSION AGREEMENT Richard's manumission agreement, dated 25 January 1780, is in the Penn¬ sylvania Abolition Society papers. A five-year payment plan was laid out, but a phrase in the document provided for Richard’s effective freedom on 2 February 1780, before he was yet twenty [emphasis added): I Stokely Sturgis of Kent County in the Delaware State for the Consideration of the sum of sixty pounds /Old Rates/ Vi/, Allowing wheat at seven shillings & sixpence & corn @ Three shillings P[er] liushcll &c. to be paid at five yearly payments of Twelve pounds P[er] year at or upon the second Day of February in every year, the first payment to be made on the second Day of February which shall be in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven hun¬ dred & Eighty One. Otherwise the yearly sum of Four hundred Dollars Con¬ tinental Currency to be paid yearly for the Term of five years as aforesaid by Richard Negro at present the property of the sd Stokeley Sturgis, the choice in which currency the payments are to be made always to be at the Option of the Negro and if the said Negro ehuses to pay it in Continental Currency and as long as he ehuses so to do he must work Two Days Wages free in Harvest Time for the said Stokeley Sturgis his Heirs Exrs or Admrs To be paid in the manner above mentioned unto the said Stokely his Heirs Exeers or Admrs or if the Whole of the sum of sixty pounds Old Rates, otherwise the sum of Two Thousand Dollars in Continental Currency be sooner paid than the Find of the Term of five years as afsd then upon the just payment thereof I Do hereby for myself my Heirs Exeers Admrs or Assigns Manumit Exonerate Release and for Ever Discharge and set at full Liberty the said Negro Man named Richard, quitting all claim that I or they in my Right May or Might have to him by Virtue of any Law Custom or Usage whatsoever, and further I Do hereby fully Trust and hn/xnrer him to Hire Dent and Transact for himself with any person whatsoever front the Second Day of February next Fnsttin p the Date hereof As witness my hand and seal this Twenty-fifth Day of January One Thousand Seven hundred and Eighty. \signed\ Stokely Sturgis (seal) Sealed and Delivered in the presence of us [signed\ Thos. Parry, Thomas Parker9 Transacting for himself was not initially an easy task. 8 Allen, diehard Alien (note 1 ), 6-7. 9 Pennsylvania Abolition Society |PAS| Papers, Collection i90, Manumissions, etc., “S" and “T,” Slaveholders' names Smy-Tou (Historical Society of Pennsylvania |I1SP|); also available on I ISP microfilm XR491, roll 9. This manuscript collection, and its corre¬ sponding 10 rolls of microfilm, contains loose manumissions, indentures, and related papers, alphabetized by slave owner. Another copy is in PAS Papers, Collection 190, Manumission Book A, series IV, reel 20, AmS OS, page 2 (HSP); also available on I ISP microfilm XRS72, roll 20. This manuscript collection, and its corresponding S- rolls of microfilm, contains bound, indexed, official PAS records 1775-1975, with the records of fifteen associated organizations. Though many or most of the loose papers in the first series are recorded in the bound volumes of the second scries, each collection contains unique documents. 200 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 We left our master’s house, and I may truly say it was like leaving our father’s house; for he was a kind, affectionate, and tender-hearted master, ... I had it often impressed upon my mind that I should one day enjoy my freedom; for slavery is a hitter pill, notwithstanding we had a good master, . . . we often thought that after our master's death we were liable to he sold to the highest bidder, as he was much in debt; . . . When I left my master's house I knew not what to do, not being used to hard work, what business 1 should follow to pay my master and get my living. I went to cutting of cord wood. The first day my hands were so blistered and sore, that it was with difficulty 1 could open or shut them. I kneeled down upon my knees and prayed that the l.ord would open some way for me to get my living. In a few days my hands recovered, and became accustomed to cutting of wood and other hardships; so 1 soon became able to cut my cord and a half and two cords a day. After I was done cutting, 1 was employed in a brick-yard by one Robert Register, at fifty dollars a month, continental money. After 1 was done with the brick¬ yard I went to days’ work, but did not forget to serve my dear Lord. ... I was after this employed in driving of wagon in time of the continental war, in drawing salt from Rehobar |Rchoboth], Sussex county, in Delaware. I had my regular stops and preaching places on the road. 111 17<S1 MANUMISSION AURHFMFNT RI I.I:ASI: On the reverse of Richard’s manumission is evidence that he fulfilled his entire obligation in less than a year, achieving his full freedom roughly a month before his twenty-first birthday. The four phrases on the sheet are written in four different hands, locations, and directions. — January th 17 1781 When Rccevd of Negro man Richard One hundred and fifty pounds 1 signed | Stokely Sturgis Stokeley Sturgis’s Negro Man Richard's Release Recorded in the Pennsa Abolition Society book page 2 |signed] John Todd Richd Allen Freedom Papers 25th Jany 17801 1 While Allen referred to Sturgis' offer to manumit both him and his brother in his memoir, the FAS papers contain references only to Richard. However, the payment of XI 50 was clearly in excess of the £60 total required over the entire five-year period, suggesting that the payment probably covered his brother and perhaps his sister as well, if the manu¬ missions were valued at £60 | Richard] and say £60 | brother| and £30 |sister] . Clearly, Richard was enormously successful in his first year “transact|ing] for himself,” and it is likely his brother and sister had con¬ tributed their labors as well. 10 Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), 7-8. l PAS papers (note 9). The release is found only in the series of loose papers, not in the hound copies of manumissions. 2010 Richard Alien, First Bishop of the AM F Church 201 1 783 CERTIFICATE OF CHARACTER Richard Allen’s certificate of character is the earliest known source for his birthdate of 14 February 1760 (at 2:00 AM). It is also the first known rec¬ ord in which his new surname of Allen is used. This document has some¬ times been misunderstood and mischaracterized as either a receipt of his final payment for his freedom or as his manumission. Instead, the record is a “certificate of character,” a note from a known person of respect vouching for the respectability of the bearer. The certificates were not atypical for free Negroes, especially those traveling in areas in which they were not known. This is to Certifie that the Bearer Richard Allen a Free Negro Man intends to travel some wayes abroad, from this place to work where it suets him, he his Beheaved himself soberly and Honestly when he wrought about this place, Dated this 27th August 178.3 Little Creek Hundred County of Kent on Deleware Ciiven under my Hand and Seale, |signed] Stoke ley Sturgis (seal) Richard Allen the barer above mentioned was Born the I ith of February 1760 at 2 oClock in the Morning. RICHARD ALLEN’S ITINERACY, 1783-1786 In keeping with the 1784 certificate of character’s suggestion that Allen “intends to travel some wayes abroad,” Allen reported leaving Delaware just one week after the certificate was written. The odyssey he described was quintessentially that of an itinerant Methodist minister. After peace was proclaimed I then travelled extensively, striving to preach the Gospel. My lot was east in Wilmington. Shortly after I was taken sick with the fall fever and then the pleurisy. September the 3d, 1783, I left my native place. After leaving Wilmington, I went into New-Jersey, and there travelled and strove to preach the Gospel until the spring of 178 1. 1 then became acquainted with Benjamin Abbot, that great and good apostle. . . . lie was as a friend and father to me. 1 was sorry when I had to leave West Jersey, knowing 1 had to leave a father. ... I then visited East Jersey, and laboured for my dear Lord, and became acquainted with Joseph Budd, and made my home with him, near the new mills. 1 went from there to Jonathan Bunn’s, near Bennington, East Jersey. There 1 laboured in that neigh¬ bourhood for some time. ... In the year 1784 I left East Jersey, and laboured in Pennsylvania. I walked until my feet became so sore and blistered the first day, that I scarcely could bear them to the ground. I found the people very humane and kind in Pennsylvania. I having but little money, I stopped at Caesar Water’s, at Radnor township, twelve miles from Philadelphia. I found him and his wife very kind and affectionate to me. ... I stayed and laboured in Radnor several weeks. 1 preached my farewell sermon, and left these dear people. . . . I proceeded on to Lancaster, Pennsylvania. 1 found the people in general dead to religion, and scarcely a form of godliness. 1 went on to Little York 1 ~ PAS papers (note 9). The certificate of character is found only in the series of loosepapers, not in the bound copies of manumissions. 202 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 and put up at George less, a saddler, and I believed him to be a man that loved and served the Lord. I had comfortable meetings with the Germans. I left Little York and proceeded on to the State of Maryland, and stopped at Mr. benjamin Grover’s; and 1 believed him to be a man that loved and served the Lord. . . . 1 1 is wife was a very pious woman; but their dear children were strangers to vital religion. I preached in the neighbourhood for some time, and travelled Hartford circuit with Mr. Porters, ... 1 also travelled with Jona¬ than Forest and Leari Goal.1' Allen was licensed as a local preacher in 1784,14 the same year that Methodist beliefs and Episcopal governance were formally combined, an event Allen rued years later. December, 1784, General Conference sat in Baltimore, the first General Conference ever held in America. The English preachers just arrived from Europe, Rev. I)r. Coke, Richard Watcoat, and Thomas Vasses. This was the beginning of the Episcopal Church amongst the Methodists. Many of the ministers were set apart in holy orders at this Conference, and were said to be entitled to the gown; and I have thought religion has been declining in the church ever since. There was a pamphlet published by some person which stated that when the Methodists were no people, then they were a people; anil now they have become a people, they were no people, which had often serious weight upon my mind. " Allen's disappointment notwithstanding, lie was committed to Metho¬ dism and continued his itineracy there in Baltimore. In 1785 the Rev. Richard Watcoat was appointed on Baltimore circuit. . . . My lot was cast in Baltimore, in a small meeting-house called Methodist Alley. I stopped at Richard Mould's, and was sent to my lodgings, and lodged at Mr. McCannon’s. I had some happy meetings in Baltimore. I was intro¬ duced to Richard Russell, who was very kind and affectionate to me, and attended several meetings. I(’ 11 is success as an itinerant minister is evidenced by a call in 1785 to travel with Rev. Bishop Francis Asbttry, the minister credited with being the lifeblood of American Methodism and its rapid development. Rev. Bishop Asbcrry sent for me to meet him at Henry Gaffs. 1 did so. Iktold me he wished me to travel with him. He told me that in the slave coun¬ tries, Carolina and other places, I must not intermix with the slaves, and I would frequently have to sleep in his carriage, and he would allow me my victuals and clothes. I told him I would not travel with him on these condi¬ tions. lie asked me my reason. I told him if I was taken sick, who was to support me? and that I thought people ought to lay up something while they were able, to support themselves in time of sickness or old age. He said that 1 ' Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), 8-10. 11 St. George’s Methodist Episcopal Parish Register, unpaginated (Archives of the Eastern Pennsylvania Conference at Historic St. George's United Methodist Church). The list of licensing “Local Preachers" gives only years, and many entries, including this one, were written in the early twentieth century by Rev. Francis II. l ees. Allen, Richard Allen (note 1), 10-11. I(’ Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), I 1. " 2010 Richard Allen, First Bishop of the AMU Church 203 was as much as lie got, his victuals anti clothes. I told him he would be taken care of . . . ; but I doubted whether it would be the case with myself. . . . But 1 made up my mind that I would not accept of his proposals.17 After rejecting Asbury’s request to travel south with him, Allen went briefly to the Hartford Circuit before returning to Pennsylvania. Shortly after 1 left Hartford Circuit, and came to Pennsylvania, on Lancaster Circuit. 1 travelled several months on Lancaster Circuit with the Rev. Peter Morratte and Irie Ellis. 1 received nothing from the Methodist connexion. My usual method was, when I would get bare of clothes, to stop travelling and go to work, so that no man could say 1 was chargeable to the connexion. My hands administered to my necessities. The autumn of 1785 1 returned again to Radnor. I stopped at George Giger's, a man of God, and went to work. Ilis family were all kind and affectionate to me. I killed seven beefs, and supplied the neighbours with meat; got myself pretty well clad through my own industry thank God— and preached occasionally. The elder in charge in Philadelphia frequently sent for me to come to the city. 1'cbruary, 1786, 1 came to Philadelphia. Preaching was given out for me at five o’clock in the morning at St. George’s Church. I strove to preach as well as 1 could, but it was a great cross to me; hut the Lord was with me. We had a good time, and several souls were awakened, and were earnestly seeking redemp¬ tion in the hlood of Christ. I thought I would stop in Philadelphia a week or — two. 18 Two-and-a-half years after beginning his travels, Allen returned to Philadelphia, intending to continue on. Instead, he found a purpose and a base of operations to serve him for the remainder of his life. 1 preached at different places in the city. My labour was much blessed. 1 soon saw a large field open in seeking and instructing my African brethren, who had been a long forgotten people and few of them attended public worship. I preached in the commons, in Southwark, Northern Liberties, and wherever 1 could find an opening. I frequently preached twice a day, at 5 o'clock in the morning and in the evening, and it was not uncommon for me to preach from four to five times a day. 19 RICHARD ALLEN'S RESIDENCE IN PHILADELPHIA, 1786- 1831 Records for the first few years of Allen’s residence in Philadelphia are found in a variety of sources beyond his memoir. Perhaps the earliest Philadelphia references for Allen are those in the records of the Eree Afri¬ can Society [EAS|. Pounded by Absalom Jones and Richard Allen on 12 April 1787, the Society’s articles of incorporation were written 17 May 1 787,20 and its meetings for the first year were held at Allen's home. 17 Allen, Richard Allen (note 1), II. 18 Allen, Richard Allen (note 1 ), 1 1 - 12. 19 Allen, Richard Allen (note 1), 12. 20 William Douglass, Annuls the of First African Church in the United States of Amer¬ ica, Now Styled the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas, Philadelphia, in Its Con¬ nection with the liarly Struggles of the Colored People to Improve Their Condition, with the Co-operation of the Triends, ant! Other Philanthropists; Partly Derived from the 2 04 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 This Society, as appears from the minutes, met at the house of Richard Allen, monthly, up to May, 1788. 1 1 is room at this period being too small for the accommodation of the increased number of members, more commodious room was rented in the house of Sarah Dougherdy.21 The last minutes in which Allen appeared as a member were those for IS November 1788. On 16 May 1789, the following report was made: The Committee brought in a report concerning Richard Allen so abruptly leaving the Society, and rashly calling, or convening the members together, contrary to the rules of the Society, but as some tenderness appeared towards him, it was concluded to pay him another visit in brotherly love, and report their sense thereof at the next meeting.-2 On 20 June 1789 the Committee brought in a testification, which was read twice and approved: We, the Society of Free Africans in the City of Philadelphia, having, accord¬ ing to discipline established among us, long treated with Richard Allen, one of our members, for attempting to sow division among us, and endeavoring to convince him of his error in so doing, anti of the breach of good order which he has thereby committed, but finding him refractory, and declaring that he no longer considers himself a member of our Society, do find it our duty to declare that he has disunited until he shall come to a sense of his conduct, and request to be admitted a member according to our discipline. Signed by the Committee, viz.: Wm. White, Caesar Worthington, Caesar Thomas, Henry Stewart, Peter Miller, Nathan Cray. Mark Stevenson.2' This is the last mention of Allen in the Society’s minutes. Allen's con¬ flict with bis FAS colleagues was not the only one he encountered as he sought to establish a place for himself and his colored brethren. I saw the necessity of erecting a place of worship for the coloured people. I proposed it to the most respectable people of colour in this city; but here I met with opposition. 1 had but three coloured brethren that united with me in erecting a place of worship— the Rev. Absalom Jones, William White, and Dorns Cinnings. These united with me as soon as it became public and known by the elder who was stationed in the city. . . . We till belonging to St. George's church. . . . We established prayer meetings and meetings of exhor¬ tation, anil the Lord blessed our endeavours, and many souls were awak¬ ened; but the elder soon forbid us holding any such meetings; but we viewed the forlorn state of our coloured brethren, and that they were desti¬ tute of a place of worship. 24 This particular conflict found its culmination at St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church, where the growing number of colored attendees Minnies of a ISeneficitd Society, Fslablished by Absalom Jones, Richard Alien and Olli¬ ers, in I7iS7. and Rarity from die Minnies of the Aforesaid Church (Philadelphia: King & liainl, printers, 1R(>2), IS- 17. 11 Douglass, First African Church (note 20). 18. 11 Douglass, First African Church (note 20), 2 .A 23 Douglass, First African Church (note 20), 2 i. 2i Allen, Richard Allen (note I ), 12-13. 2010 Richard Allen, First Bishop of the AMU Church 20S fueled a powder keg of resentment among some of the church’s white members. A number of us usually attended St. George's Church in Fourth street; and when the coloured people began to get numerous in attending the church, they moved us from the seats we usually sat on, and placed us around the wall, and on Sabbath morning we went to church and the sexton stood at the door, and told us to go in the gallery. He told us to go, and we would see where to sit. We expected to take the seats over the ones we formerly occu¬ pied below, not knowing any better. We took those seats. Meeting had begun, and they were nearly done singing, and just as we got to the seats, the elder said, “let us pray.” We had not been long upon our knees before I heard considerable scuffling and low talking. I raised my head up and saw one of the trustees, II- M-, having hold of the Rev. Absalom Jones, pulling him up off of his knees, and saying, "You must get up you must not kneel here.” Mr. Jones replied, “wait until prayer is over.” Mr. II- M- said “no, you must get up now, or I will call for aid and force you away.” Mr. Jones said, "wait until prayer is over, and I will get up and trouble you no more.” With that he beckoned to one of the other trustees, Mr. L- S- to come to his assis¬ tance. He came, and went to William White to pull him — up.-s At this point what is now referred to as “the walkout” occurred. My this time prayer was over, and we all went out of the church in a body, and they were no more plagued with us in the church. This raised a great excitement and inquiry among the citizens, in so much that I believe they were ashamed of their conduct. But my dear Lord was with us, and we were filled with fresh vigour to get a house erected to worship God in. Seeing our forlorn and distressed situation, many of the hearts of our citizens were moved to urge us forward; notwithstanding we had subscribed largely towards finishing Si. George’s Church, in building the gallery and laying new floors, and just as the house was made comfortable, we were turned out from enjoying the comforts of worshiping therein. The precise timing and chronology of the events Allen described in his memoir are difficult to determine. In the preface, Allen himself warned readers that his memory was imperfect. A GRF.AT part of this work having been written many years after events actually took place; and as my memory could not exactly point out the exact time of many occurrences; they are, however, (as many as I can recollect) pointed out; some without day or date, which, I presume, will be of no material consequences, so that they are confined to the truth. - As the story of the walkout is related immediately after Allen’s report of his arrival in Philadelphia in 1786, it has often been thought that it took place shortly thereafter. However, original estimates and building receipts for St. George’s show that the “gallery” or balcony so key to the Allen, Ricluinl Allen ( note 1 ), 1 .3. Allen, Richard Alien (note 1), 13-1 i. 27 Allen, Richard Allen ( note I ), 3. . 206 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 story was not built until 1792. 28 Allen’s self-described “we” who “went out of the church in a body” is never defined. Some black congregants remained at St. George’s for years after.29 Allen was enumerated in Philadelphia as “Negro, sweep” at SO Dock Street, north side, in the 1790 census. “All other free persons” in the household totaled ten.''0 Allen first appeared in the Philadelphia city directory of 1791 as “Negro, sweep, 59, Dock St.'1 On 22 January 1791 /Vilen purchased a frame messuage and lot on the south side of Spruce Street between | Delaware] Fourth and Fifth streets from John Wil¬ son/Willson of Chester County, farmer, for £250.'2 Two-and-a-half years later Allen announced his move to I SO Spruce Street. Richard Allen returns his most grateful acknowledgements it) his Friends, and the Public in general, for their many past favors, and hopes by his assi¬ duity and care to merit their future confidence in his Line of Business— He respectfully informs them, that he has Removed from the House he lately occupied in Dock street, to House No. ISO, on the south side of Spruce, between Fourth and Fifth streets— Where, at the shortest Notice, careful People will always attend to Sweep and Cleanse the CHIMNIES of any Per¬ son who shall apply. He begs leave further to intimate, that during the Sum¬ mer Months, he takes the Glai/.ing off, and White-washes Stove-Chimnies in the neatest and best manner, so as to prevent them from taking Fire during the Winter Season; & as this Branch of the Business is peculiar to himself, he hopes for the Encouragement of a discerning and generous Public. June 26." Little more than a month later, a devastating epidemic crippled Phila¬ delphia: the Yellow Fever of 1793. Richard Allen and Absalom Jones advertised their services to help. FOR THE NURSING ITIE SICK, AND BURIAL OF THE DEAD, As it is a time of great distress in this city many people of black colour under a grateful remembrance of the favours received from the white inhabitants have agreed to assist them as far as is in their power for nursing of the sick and burial of the dead, applications made for either of the above purposes to Absolent Jones living in S: Third-street a little below Stampers alley No. 165, or to Richard Allen in Spruce-street between 4th and Sth Streets No. ISO, 28 Dee Andrews, "The African Methodists of Philadelphia, 1794-1802,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History taut Biography \PMHB\ 108( 1984):471-86, at 474-75; also Rev. Alfred T. Day III, "Creaking Timbers and Conflicting Traditions: Richard Allen and the St. George’s Walkout," Journal of the Historical Society of the Pastern Pennsylvania Conference 4(2007):3- 1 1. 29 See marriages in Aaron Goodwin, “Marriages Recorded at St. George’s Methodist Episcopal Church, Philadelphia, 1789-1817," PGM 46(2009):2 1 -39, and class member¬ ship in Andrews, "African Methodists," PMHK 108:48.3. Rie’d Allen household, 1790 ll.S. Census, Philadelphia, 146 (NARA M637, roll 9). 31 Clement Biddle, The Philadelphia Directory (Philadelphia: printed by James & Johnson, 1791 ), 2. There is a gap in surviving directories from 1786 through 1790. '2 John Willson/Wilson to Richard Allen, Philadelphia County Deeds 1)27:207-9 (1 ISP mic rofilm XI) Pa Ph 131). 33 Dunlap's American Daily Advertiser, #4500 (27 June 1793), 2. 2010 Richard Allen, hirst Bishop of the AMR Church 207 who have a knowledge of the nurses, and keep horses and carriages for tak¬ ing tlie dead to the burial ground. ABSOI.EM JONHS: K1CHAR1) Al.l.HN Vl After the epidemic subsided, their efforts were met with complaint, specifically from Mathew Carey." Allen and Jones were accused of pil¬ fering money and valuables when removing dead white bodies. They responded in published form. I'lllS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And to he sold by Absalom Jones, No. 1(>3 South Third-Street, and Richard Allen in Spruce-street No. ISO: likewise by Mr. Joseph Orukshank and Mr. John Ormrod Booksellers, A Narrative of the pro¬ ceedings of the Black people, during the late awful calamity in Philadelphia, in the year 1793, and a refutation of some censures thrown upon them in some late publications. By A. I. and R. A. February 3. They soon turned their attentions to more practical matters. Allen, Jones, and Cezar Wetherington established a “nail manufactory” on Fourth Street, adjoining St. Peter’s Church, and advertised for “a number of Africans, or their descendants” to serve as journeyman and apprentices in the industry/7 Allen further developed both his own business interests and the livelihoods of enslaved, unskilled, or underskilled Negroes through indentured servitude, as he did 19 May 1794. Know all Men by these presents that I Peter Rcik of Caroline County in the state of Maryland Gentleman in consideration of sixty pounds to me paid by Richard Allen of the City of Philadelphia have manumitted and hereby do manumit from slavery my negro man named Newberry aged about twenty eight years. On consideration nevertheless that the said Newberry be hound by indenture to serve him the said Richard Allen his Executors Administra¬ tors or Assigns for and during the term of five years next ensuing the day after the day of the date hereof. . . However, less than four months later, 3 September 1794, Allen adver¬ tised a ten-dollar reward for the return of: a negro servant man, named Newberry Rich, Alias Robert Rich, Alias Stewart, formerly a slave to capt. Rich, of Maryland, near Tahot court-house, from whom he was purchased for 3 years, to receive his freedom after¬ wards, lie is about 23 years of age. . . . He is a stepson of Henry |aka "Black Marry "| Ozicr, a black man formerly travelled as a preacher.'9 .Vi The General Advertiser, #91 1 (9 September 1793), 3. " Mathew ( larcy, A Short Account of the Plague or Malignant h'erer lately Prevalent in Philadelphia: With a Statement of the Proceedings that Took Place on the Subject in Different Parts of the United States (Philadelphia: 1 794). There were several reprints between late 1793 and early 1794, including one reprinted in London for Darton and I larvey (googlebooks.com ). Hie General Advertiser, #987 (3 February 1794), 3. 37 The Philadelphia Gazette and Universal Daily Advertiser, volume 1 1, #1083 (3 March 1794), 4. PAS papers (note 9), Manumission Book B, series IV, reel 20, AmS 031, 1S-D03, page 24. '9 The Philadelphia Gazette and Universal Daily Advertiser, volume 1 1, #1834 (3 September 1794), 4. 208 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 This was just one of at least several such advertisements for runaways from Allen. Meanwhile, Absalom Jones and Allen had succeeded in establishing the first two African churches in Philadelphia. Jones’ St. Thomas Episcopal Church is widely credited— but incorrectly so— as being the first of the two churches to open formally.'10 St. Thomas' inaugural service was announced in The Independent Gazetteer in July 1794. The notice did not name the church, its minister, or denomination, but the white ministers who spoke were not Methodist. AFRICAN CHURCH. On Thursday last 1 17 July 17941 Divine Worship was performed for the first time in the African church |St. Thomas] in this city. Prayers and passages of Scripture suited to the occasion were read by the Rev. Mr. Abercrombie, and afterwards an excellent sermon was delivered by the Rev. I)r. Magaw, from the following text— ’The people that walked in darkness have seen a great light.- Isaiah ix. 2. 1 1 The inauguration of Allen's Methodist church is consistently reported to have taken place twelve days later, 29 July 1794. 1’he error is under¬ standable. Allen himself wrote in his memoir, albeit incorrectly: In July I79i, bishop Asbury being in town I solicited him to open the church. Compounding Allen's error, the historian Charles II. Wesley, who pub¬ lished the first serious study of Allen in 1935, wrote that Asbury referred to the event in his journal on 29 July 1794. Wesley went on to bemoan the absence of any contemporary newspaper reference to the event. lie had looked in the wrong month. An advertisement in the 28 June 1794 Philadelphia Gazette announced: To all whom it may concern. This is to give notice to the members of or belonging to the Methodist Episcopal African Church, in Sixth-Street, between I.umbard and Pinestreets, Philadelphia, which is to be opened on Sunday, 29th instant IJune], at half after ten o'clock, when there will be divine worship, and is expected to be opened by the Reverend bishop Asbury. We the members of this Religious Society return our unfeigned thanks to the public, for their kind donations, in assisting in forwarding the building, which is a frame one, and only begun the 5th of May last. Those of a benevo¬ lent mind, who would still assist in finishing said house, donations will be received by the Trustees, who are JOHN ALI.EN, in Spruce near south 5th street. No. 150— JOHN MORRIS, in Race between 6th and 7th streets, who will thank their generous benefactors. June 28 1 1 10 Douglass, First African Church (note 20). The Independent Gazetteer, *158 i (23 July 179 i), .3. Allen, Richard Alien (note I), 18. it Charles II. Wesley, Richard Alien. Apostle of freedom (Washington, D.C.: The Asso¬ ciated Publishers, Inc., 19.55), 79. The Philadelphia Gazette and Universal Daily Advertiser, volume I 1, *1776 (28 June 1794), 2. 1 1 “ 2010 Richard Allen, hirst Bishop of the AMR Church 209 On 29 June 1794 |S Asbury reported the event in his journal. PENNSYLVANIA.— SUNDAY 29. I preached at the new African church. Our col¬ oured brethren are to he governed by the doctrine and discipline of the Methodists. We had some stir among the people of Ebenezer. In the evening we had a cold time at the great church |St. George's] on Amos iv. II. This has been a hard day’s work. 1'he next day Asbury left Philadelphia.47 The corrected dating shows that the inaugural service for Bethel preceded that of St. Thomas by eighteen days, making it the first African church opened in Philadel¬ phia.18 Allen’s memoir explains the source of the church’s name. The Rev. John Dickins sung and prayed, and Bishop Asbury preached. The house was called bethel agreeable to the prayer that was made. Mr. Dickins prayed that it might be a bethel to the gathering in of thousands of souls. My dear Lord was with us, so that there was many hearty Amen's echoed through the house. . . . The opening of Bethel did not stop St. George’s from attempting to exercise governing control over the congregation. Allen wrote about the conflict in great detail in his memoir. Contentions included ownership of the Bethel church property and supply of preachers to Bethel from St. George’s.s<> Notwithstanding that ongoing struggle, which continued until IS 16, Allen’s commitment to Methodism was recognized when “Richard Allen, of Philadelphia, was ordained a deacon on the 1 1th day of June, 1799, and was the first coloured man that was ever ordained by the Methodists in the United States."'51 The ordination was likely performed at the confer¬ ence in Philadelphia that began 6 June 1 799. This was nearly a year •|5 Asbury’s practice in his journal was to refer to the year only in the first entry for a given year, and the month only in the first entry for the month, giving the date and day of the week for each entry. In 1794 29 June was a Sunday, as both the newspaper and the journal reported, while 29 July was a Tuesday. I(> Francis Asbury, The Journal of the her. Francis Ashary, liisho/) of the Methodist Episcopal Church, front August 7, /77/, to December 7, 181 5, in Three Volumes. Vol¬ ume 2, front July IS, I78(t. to November 0, 1800 (New York: N. Bangs and T. Mason, 1821 ), 195. 47 Asbury’s journal shows he arrived in Philadelphia Wednesday, 25 June 1794, and left for New Jersey Monday, 3<)June 1794, on his way to New York, which he reached t July 1794: his entry lot Tuesday, 29 July 1794, reports he was riding that day from Attle¬ boro, Massachusetts, to Providence, Rhode island (AAmry,Journal |note 46|, 195, 198). 18 This fact was correctly identified in Andrews, “African Methodists,” PMUK 108: 475-76. lV Allen, Richard Allen (note I), 1.3-14. Allen, Richard Allen ( note I ), 18-21. 81 Jesse Lee, A Short History of the Methodists, in the United States of America; Beginning in 1700, and Continued till 1800. To Which Is Prefixed a lirief Account of Their Rise in England in the Year 1720, C-c. (Baltimore: Magill and Clime, 1810), 27071. Lee, Short History of Methodists, ( note 5 1 ), 255-56. 210 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 before the third General Conference, held in Baltimore, specifically addressed the issue of ordaining African deacons. The bishops have obtained leave ... to ordain local deacons of our African brethren in places where they have built a house or houses for the worship of God; provided they have a person among them qualified for that office, and he can obtain an election of two thirds of the male members of the society to which he belongs, and a recommendation from the minister who has the charge, and from his fellow labourers in the city or circuit.’’-1 The next few years saw the death of Allen’s first wife, Flora, and his marriage to his second wife, Sarah Bass, both in 1801,’’* as well as the first reference in city directories to “Allen Richard, Rev.” in 1803.’5’’ In previ¬ ous directories, he had been sweep, master sweep, shoe dealer, or shoe maker. On 7 August 1804 Richard Allen, William Brown, Joseph Albert, Robert Green, James Champion, John Brown, Reuben Moore, Charles Boston, and James Green signed a constitution to form “The Society of Free Peo¬ ple of Colour, for promoting the instruction and School education of Children of African descent.” The entirety of the society’s constitution was published in Paulson's American Daily Advertiser A(' In May 1807 leaders of the African community began making plans to celebrate a long-awaited date: 1 January 1808. A numerous and respectable meeting of Africans and their descendants in the City of Philadelphia, held at their School Room, south Sixth street. May 10th 1807, for the purpose of taking into consideration, a suitable manner of celebrating the day 1 1 January 1808| on which the importation of their brethren will terminate in the United States of America. . . . And that Divine service shall commence on the 1st day of January, at half past 10 o’clock in the forenoon, at St. Thomas’s church, south Fifth street, by the Rev. Absalom Jones; Bethell Church, south Sixth street, by the Rev. Richard Allen; at the Anabaptist meeting, Cherry Alley, by Philip Armstrong.1 Paulson’s reprinted the entirety of the resolution passed at that meet¬ ing, with several other “proceedings of the Africans and their descen¬ dants in this city ... to shew the sentiments of gratitude they mean to evince . . . that henceforth no more of their race shall be brought here in bondage.” While such advancements were being made in governmental policy, some attitudes toward blacks remained trenchantly condescend¬ ing and hateful. On Allen’s fiftieth birthday, I t February 1810, a vicious 11 Passed 20 May 1800, quoted in Lee, Short History of Methodists, (note 5 1 ), 270-71. Goodwin, "Family,” (note 3). James Robinson, The Philadelphia Directory, City anti Comity Register, for ISO.] (Philadelphia: Robinson, 180,3), 10. Poa Ison 's American Daily Advertiser, volume .3.3, >*80.30 ( 10 August 1804), 4. 17 Paulson's American Daily Advertiser, volume .37, *9090 ( 1 January 1808), .3. 11 2010 Richard Alien, First Bishop of the AMU Church 211 satire on African organizations appeared in The Tickler, specifically nam¬ ing Allen.58 Such attitudes did little to stop him. In April 1816: Richard Allen was solemnly set apart for the Episcopal office, by prayer and the imposition of the hands of five regularly ordained ministers. At which time, the General Convention held in Philadelphia, did unanimously receive the said Richard Allen as their Bishop, being fully satisfied of the validity of his Episcopal ordination.50 In January 1817 a committee convened to respond to the considered measure of forcing free people of color to colonize Liberia. Allen initially supported colonization, but had since formed strong ideas against it. At a numerous meeting of the peoplje] of colour, convened at Bethel Church to take into consideration the propriety of remonstrating against the contempIate[d] measure, that is to exile us from the land of our nativ¬ ity, . . . the following resolutions were adopted without one dissenting voice. WHl'RltAS our ancestors, not of choice were the first cultivators of the wilds of America, we their descendants feel ourselves entitled to participate in the blessings of her luxuriant soil, which their blood and sweat manured; . . . Resolved, That we will never separate ourselves voluntarily from the slave population in this country; they are our brethren by the ties of consanguin¬ ity, of suffering, and of wrongs, . . . Resolved, That a committee of eleven persons be appointed to open a correspondence with the honorablc./ose/;/; Hopkinson, member of congress from this city and likewise to inform him of the sentiments of this meeting, and that the following named persons constitute the committee, . . . Rev. Absalom Jones, Robert Gordon, Rev. Richard Allen, James Johnson, James Forten, Quamoney Clarkson, Robert Douglas, John Somerset, Francis Perkins, Randall Shapherd, Rev. Jno Gloucester/’0 In 1817 Allen and Jacob Tapsico published The Doctrines and Disci¬ pline of the African Methodist Episcopal Church 01 Allen, Daniel Coker, and James Champion followed that in 1818 with a published collection of African Methodist hymns/’2 Allen’s conflict with other leaders of Philadelphia’s people of color never subsided. On 20 May 1819 he was sued by Robert Hicks, “both per¬ sons of color,” for slander. Allen was accused of charging Hicks with 58 “Dc Articles of Association of de Angola Bank, of de Silly and Suburbs of Philadel¬ phia," The tickler, volume 3, «1 ( 14 February 1810), 2. The text was published three years later in Essex Register |Salem, Massachusetts!, volume 19, #82 ( 13 October IH19), 2. 00 The Genius of liberty, volume 1, «39 (7 October 1817), I. 01 Richard Allen, Daniel Coker, and James Champion, The Doctrines and Discipline of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (Philadelphia: Richard Allen and Jacob Tapsico, publishers; John 11. Cunningham, printer, 1817). First edition at Ncw-York Historical Society. 02 Richard Allen, Daniel Coker, and James Champion, The African Methodist Rocket Hymn Hook: Selected from Different Authors (Philadelphia: Richard Allen, 1818). Original first edition at New-York Historical Society belonging to Henry G. Drayton, hand dated 1 2 May 1 823. “ 1 S7 Bway" written in different hand. 212 Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine Vol. 46 “having kidnapped his brethren of color” while preaching at Bethel Church. The jury gave a verdict for two hundred dollars damages, but the court ruled for a new trial/’-'' In December 182.4 The Baltimore Patriot reported on an indictment against Allen and others. We learn from the Franklin Gazette that the trial of tile Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, against Richard Allen, anil thirty three others, terminated on Tuesday morning with a verdict of guilty, against all the defendants. The charges in the indictment were for a conspiracy to excite a riot, and to take forcible possession of Wesley Church, in Lombard street, on the 1 1th of August 1824: a riot with an assault and battery upon the preacher [in| charge of Wesley Church, Simon Murray; and an assault and battery only, upon Simon Murray and William Perkins. Allen is a colored man, and is stiled, bishop, by those of his own color.6 1 Such conflicts, however, did not prevent the success of Bethel, as evi¬ denced in the 1828 city directory’s report: Annual return of the Marriages, Baptisms anil Burials of the Fpiscopal Churches in Philadelphia, by the Clerks anil Sextons of said Churches, together with an abstract of the Marriages, Baptisms and Burials in the vari¬ ous congregations in the city and suburbs, from December 25, 1826, to December 25, 1827, ... African Methodist Church— Rev. Richard Allen, Pas¬ tor, Marriages, 54; baptisms, 154; burials, 1 ()S/’s — Richard Allen died 26 March 18.4 1. Died, the Reverend Richard Allen, first bishop of the AML church, departed this life on Saturday ... about 20 minutes before six o’clock in the afternoon, aged 71 years. friends and relatives are respectfully invited to attend his funeral this morning at nine o’clock, from his late dwelling, 150 Spruce St.66 6.3 The New-lliimpsliire Gazelle, volume 64, -20 (25 May 1819), 2. 64 The Haiti more Patriot, volume 22, # 1 ( 1 December 1823), 2. 49 6"’ 3 Robert Desilver, Desilrer's Philadelphia Directory and Stranger’s Guide for /<S’2.V (Philadelphia: Robert Desilver, 1828), I2|a| (introduction), 13|a| (African Methodist Church data). The list includes data for Roman Catholic, German and Dutch Reformed, Presbyterian, Quaker, Baptist, Methodist Fpiscopal, anil African congregations, as well as a I Ichrcw synagogue. There are omissions (e.g., St. George’s Methodist Fpiscopal). 66 Richard S. Newman, Freedom's Prophet. Bishop Richard Alien, the AME (.hatch, and the Black Pounding Fathers (New York: New York University Press, 2008), 289, quoting Paulson's American Daily Advertiser, .31 March 18.51.